Rejected Haiti TPS Recipients Being Returned to a Troubled Homeland

By Gregory Simpkins

There are more than 300,000 former beneficiaries of the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program that has expired. Haitian authorities have provided few details about how the country will handle the potential return of former TPS beneficiaries, including Haitians who have lived in the US for years or even decades.

A deportation flight from Miami, Florida, brought 161 Haitians to Cap-Haïtien in late August. None of those aboard the flight were former TPS beneficiaries, according to Haiti’s National Office of Migration (ONM). The group included people facing removal proceedings after entering the US without authorization, people who had served prison sentences and some individuals born outside Haiti to at least one Haitian parent.

As is often the case, those who arrived in this group received 10,000 gourdes, or about US$77, from ONM officials to help them travel to their destinations. Police were also expected to detain anyone among the deportees who was wanted by Haitian authorities.

Beyond those immediate measures, however, the government has not announced a broader reception or reintegration program for deportees. That absence has drawn criticism from Haitian human rights and migrant advocacy groups, particularly as former TPS beneficiaries face possible forced returns to a country struggling with insecurity, displacement and limited access to basic services.

A Humanitarian Crisis Deepens

The United Nations has recently confirmed what most of us already knew – Haiti is one of the poorest countries on Earth, plagued by widespread gang violence, displacement, hunger and insecurity. Nearly 1.5 million people across the country are internally displaced and 6.4 million people need humanitarian aid, leading to one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

Women and children are among the most vulnerable and are disproportionately suffering. The UN International Children’s Emergency Fund estimates that more than one million children face critical levels of food insecurity in Haiti. Alarming levels of gender-based violence continue across the country, yet survivors and those currently at risk face severely limited access to essential support due to insecurity, logistical challenges and funding shortfalls. Meanwhile, rising prices have put many food staples out of reach for families. Water and sanitation infrastructure across the country has collapsed, and the health system is overstretched and under-resourced, with insecurity forcing the closure of many health centers.

Gangs Tighten Their Grip

Insofar as crime is concerned, Haiti is in a gang-dominated security crisis. Violence is not just in Port-au-Prince anymore – it’s spreading to rural departments. The main crimes are murder, kidnapping, rape, extortion and child gang recruitment. State forces and an international mission are pushing back, but gangs still control most of the capital and key economic corridors.

As of mid-2026, UN and human rights reports describe it as a crisis with gangs acting like de-facto authorities in large parts of the country. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) says gangs have moved from fragmented groups to structured criminal networks with leadership, territorial goals and diversified revenue: extortion, drugs, weapons and ammunition. Coalitions like Viv Ansanm coordinate large attacks on police, prisons and infrastructure.

At least 26 gangs control up to 90 percent of Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas. Gangs have expanded beyond the capital into Artibonite, Centre, Northwest, and even southeastern areas. Consequently, one in four Haitians live in areas controlled by criminal gangs.

Between January 2025 – March 2026, at least 5,519 people were killed and 2,608 injured as the result of criminal violence. An estimated 60 percent were casualties during anti-gang security operations, and about 27 percent were killed or injured by gangs directly. The national murder rate rose nearly 20 percent in 2025 as compared to 2024.

There were 51 victims recorded in the Port-au-Prince metro area April-June 2026. Gangs extort businesses, public transport and farmers and control roads to restrict access to services. According to the UNODC, extortion is now a core revenue source alongside drug and weapons trafficking.

Between January 2025 – March 2026, there were an estimated 1,578 victims of rape, including 165 children. From April – June 2026, there were at least 796 victims of gang-related sexual violence. In just two Port-au-Prince neighborhoods, more than 176 women and girls aged 10-71 were victims of rape or gang rape. Rape is often used by criminals as “punishment” and “tool of domination.”

At least half of Haiti’s children are believed to be gang members. Recruitment nearly tripled in 2025; UNICEF reported a 200 percent increase in 2025.

An estimated 18,000 schools have been reported destroyed, damaged or non-functional. This is the hell on earth that those denied TPS are being returned to face.

Will Returned Haitians Face an Even More Difficult Situation?

For a US-born Haitian in 2026, it is very difficult if you are moving with no income, no Creole language capability and plan to live in Port-au-Prince. It would be moderately difficult even if you have family support, speak Creole and have remote income from the United States. It would be easiest if you work for an international organization and live in a gated community with security. Still, crime is too prevalent in Haiti for even the privileged to avoid entirely.

The cultural reconnection is possible and many do it. But the security crisis and economic gap makes 2025-2026 one of the hardest periods to return.

Haitians call it “Diaspora vs lokal” – you will always be seen as “Ameriken” first, Haitian second. Returnees are better-fed upon return and healthier. You look and sound different. The difficulty depends on three things: language, security and expectations.

Haitian Creole is spoken everywhere. French is used in government and schools. If you grew up speaking only English at home in the US, you will struggle with bureaucracy, job interviews and even market shopping. Accent marks you immediately and make one a target for jealousy or opportunistic attacks by gangs.

US norms around time, customer service, confrontation and gender roles are different. “Direk” – directness – that’s normal in the US can appear rude in Haiti. you are called “Diaspora” or “Blan.” Even if you are 100 percent Haitian and Black, if you were born or raised in the US, people assume you have money, don’t know how things work and should pay more.

The biggest shocks for returnees currently are:

1. US-born people are prime kidnapping targets because gangs assume families in the US can pay ransom in dollars;
2. Blackouts of 12-20 hours are normal. You need generators, inverters and water tanks to sustain yourself. Most US returnees aren’t used to this;
3. Hospitals are limited and often closed due to insecurity, and if you have chronic conditions, it’s a major challenge;
4. Formal jobs are scarce and often require connections “konesans.” A US degree helps with NGOs, the UN, embassies and private schools, but it does not help much in the local market;
5. Imported goods are expensive, but local salaries are US$200-US$400/month. If you lived on US wages, you will feel poor unless you bring US income or have remote work, and
6. Family, friends and neighbors will assume Diaspora sends money, and saying no to requests for money will damage relationships.

The TPS Rationale Still Holds

TPS has been granted to Haitians three times starting in 2010. It was meant to last only while Haiti recovered. The aim was to avoid sending people into tent cities with no hospitals and no functioning government. TPS does not lead to a green card. It gives work authorization and protection from deportation for the duration.

The first designation was on January 12 2010 after the 7.0 magnitude earthquake. About 220,000 people were killed and 1.5 million were displaced. The presidential palace, parliament, courts and most ministries were destroyed. The healthcare, water and sanitation systems were destroyed, and a massive cholera outbreak followed in October 2010. More than 250,000 homes were destroyed. Thousands of people were living in tent camps. With ports, airports and roads damaged, the country couldn’t support mass returns.

TPS was announced on January 15 2010 and granted to Haitians who were already in the US as of January 12. It lasted 18 months initially.

The second major re-designation occurred in October 2016 because of Hurricane Matthew and ongoing instability. After Hurricane Matthew hit that month, it left 546 dead and 175,000 displaced, with massive agricultural damage. Haiti was still recovering from the 2010 quake and cholera. Political instability and the ongoing lack of infrastructure meant the country still couldn’t process large-scale returns.

The third re-designation came in August 2021 due to an earthquake, a political assassination and widespread gang violence. An August 14 7.2 magnitude earthquake left more than 2,200 people dead in southern Haiti. The assassination of President Jovenel Moise on July 7 created a political crisis, and in 2021, gangs already controlled large parts of Port-au-Prince. The number of kidnappings spiked. Haiti obviously still could not safely receive returned nationals.

So, with widespread gang violence, displacement, hunger and insecurity prevalent, how can conditions in Haiti be considered improved enough for those granted TPS to safely return to Haiti? The Trump administration has repeated made clear its intention to end illegal immigration, but the Haitian TPS recipients used legal means to be in the United States. Why are they being treated like people who flouted the law and snuck in? Moreover, have administration officials given any thought to the ongoing crisis conditions to which the Haitian deportees would be subjected and the impact of this on TPS status? Absent such consideration, this process seems unduly cruel.

Gregory Simpkins, a longtime specialist in African policy development, is the Principal of 21st Century Solutions. He consults with organizations on African policy issues generally, especially in relating to the U.S. Government. He further acts as a consultant to the African Merchants Association, where he advises the Association in its efforts to stimulate an increase in trade between several hundred African Diaspora small and medium enterprises and their African partners.