Part II on Race: The Institution of Racism

By Dennis Matanda
In his seminally impressive book Not Even Past, Thomas J. Sugrue makes a valid point about race and racists. He concurs that there are ‘stone-cold’ racists in America and in other parts of the world; and then there are those people who believe that they are free of prejudice against other people. But key to the discussion, Sugrue suggests, is the fact that racial inequalities are not because there is a conspiracy or cruel intention. The problems with race and racism rest in the ‘the long term institutional legacies of economic and public policies that have systematically disadvantaged African Americans and, when left unaltered, continue to do so in key realms of [life today]. I absolutely agree with this – and alluded to this type of thought in The Wretched of the Earth.

On the other hand, why is it important to bring back elements like race and racism – things that have been extensively discussed by various key authors? The answer to this is simple: sociological phenomena does not hold still. Although history keeps repeating itself, a series of curve balls get tossed into the picture; or like Sugrue says: ‘The path from past to future is seldom linear.’ While Marx may not necessarily be redeemed by workers’ revolutions in the capitalist world, the growing divide in America – a supposedly classless society – is starting to pit the lower middle class against the upper middle class. Thus, in essence, while racism was predicated upon the belief that all members of each race possess characteristics or abilities specific to that race, the prejudices or discrimination directed against a black person, for instance, based on such a belief might have changed.

After Nelson Mandela and Ellen Sirleaf Johnson; with Indira Gandhi and Mother Theresa; and also Carlos Slim Helu, one would be wrong to deem black people corrupt and incompetent or Indians Buddhists and male chauvinists. Besides, in the age of Obama, race and racism might have taken on new dynamics. The Tea Party Movement in America apparently emerged because they did not want to be taxed or have their hard earned taxes spent on bailing out failing financial institutions. However, Americans are taxed much less under the Obama administration. The fact that most of the Tea Party voted for John McCain in 2008, are especially white and also tend to be against social welfare programs may present a case of institutionalized racism. Many of the programs like Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid benefit the poorer people – and many of these are black.

That notwithstanding, we need to understand that the racism of 1856 was very different from that one of 1895; converse from that which existed between 1920 and 1970s; and arguments could be made that Ronald Reagan and his Administration contributed a great deal to racism by perpetuating the image of the Welfare Queen. This very term might have led to welfare reform during Bill Clinton’s terms in office – and could have contributed to poverty in the African American community if the economy had not, fortunately, expanded. Under Obama, the issues of race and racism have taken on a different dimension. Some Americans disparage Obama as an illegitimate president. They claim, despite the large amount of proof to the contrary, that he was not born in the United States. In some cases, these patriots challenge the rigorous procedures of the journey towards American presidency and demand for all sorts of accountability like they are, rightfully, entitled to. ‘Birthers’, as they are popularly called, are a newfangled phenomenon and are a good reason to open up the annals of race relations and racism as an institution.

Contrariwise, many African Americans are currently unemployed or at least, underemployed. How do we account for the disparity between White and Black unemployment? If 16% of the African Americans are unemployed, what does this mean? According to the Wall Street Journal, behind these numbers are millions of despondent people who’ve lost their self-esteem and pride. But how can they be despondent – with a loss of self esteem – if a black man is sitting in the White House? Yet still, how could Bush be racist in not providing relief to African American communities decimated by Hurricane Katrina when his top lieutenants – Condelezza Rice and Colin Powell – were black?

Things are not as easy as they used to be. Someone is not racist if they called another the ‘N’ word; and neither can you prove that an Emily Rothschild [who is probably white] was hired over a [seemingly black] ‘Shaqueena Thomas.’ Steven D. Levitt, an economist and Stephen J. Dubner, a writer make some interesting arguments in Freakonomics. But what’s most remarkable is how racism can provide cover to many arguments. Is it racism if a young black man does not get a job because of his jail record? Why should abortion be more prevalent and tolerated on the South Side of Chicago while absolutely frowned upon in South Dakota? Is this a case of racism or should there be a conjectural impugnation that a white fetus is more valuable than a black fetus? Research hypotheses have already been applied to these different dynamics – and a short sweep of the Internet should yield results. Lastly, there is a media meta narrative that depicts African Americans or Africans as obnoxious and misogynistic rappers; dramatic uneducated women out to get pregnant or abort; or as people who cannot feed their own children – preferring to go to war. I am not too sure if this helps matters.