Opinion
Doing Business in Africa? Why One Market Strategy Never Works
The continent is not one market – but it is not simply five, either.

By Danilo Desiderio
The most expensive misconception in international business may also be one of the most persistent: that Africa is a single market. It is not. Executives who treat the continent as a monolith – deploying uniform strategies from Cairo to Cape Town, from Lagos to Luanda – are not just intellectually lazy. They are commercially reckless.
A growing body of scholarship has begun pushing back against this fiction, and a valuable recent contribution argues compellingly that firms need geographically and institutionally differentiated strategies rather than continent-wide assumptions.
The framework it proposes divides Africa into five broad commercial zones:
- North Africa as a manufacturing platform integrated into European value chains;
- Southern Africa as a financial and corporate-governance hub;
- East Africa as a digital-innovation ecosystem;
- West Africa as a large consumer-market frontier; and
- Central Africa as a resource-extraction space.
For any investor or executive still clutching a one-size-fits-all playbook, this is a bracing corrective. Yet in dismantling one oversimplification, the framework risks erecting another.
The Limits of Regional Logic
Regional classification has genuine analytical value. Grouping countries into clusters helps firms allocate research budgets, sequence market entry, and communicate investment theses to boards and shareholders.
The problem arises when those clusters are treated as internally coherent systems – as if development patterns within each zone were broadly symmetrical. They are not, and the divergences matter enormously.
Take East Africa, described as a digitally innovative, fintech-driven region. That portrait fits Kenya and Rwanda with reasonable accuracy. It fits South Sudan, Burundi, Eritrea, or Somalia rather less well.
Southern Africa is cast as institutionally sophisticated and financially advanced – a description that captures South Africa and Botswana but obscures the radically different realities of Malawi, Zimbabwe, or Angola.
And West Africa, framed primarily as a vast consumer-market frontier, is a characterization that is increasingly outdated.
Important manufacturing and logistics hubs are emerging across the region. Ghana is expanding automotive assembly, pharmaceuticals, and industrial parks around Tema.
Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) is deepening agro-industrial processing and port-centered logistics in Abidjan. Senegal has invested heavily in textiles, automotive components, and packaging within the Integrated Special Economic Zone of Diamniadio.
West Africa is not merely a market of consumers. It is rapidly becoming a region of producers, processors, and logistics platforms – a distinction that carries profound implications for how firms should structure their supply chains and market-entry strategies.
Central Africa, meanwhile, is too often reduced to extractive industries and weak infrastructure, a frame that underplays accelerating urbanization, expanding telecommunications networks, growing agricultural potential, and nascent logistics development.
The core problem is straightforward: a multinational entering Nigeria faces a business reality profoundly different from one entering Sierra Leone or Ivory Coast, despite all three being grouped under the same “West Africa” label. Investing in Casablanca bears little resemblance to operating in Libya, even though both fall within “North Africa.”
These differences extend well beyond macroeconomic indicators to encompass deep variations in business culture, negotiation norms, regulatory practice, and informal institutional arrangements.
In Africa, the risk is not just replacing the myth of “one Africa” with a subtler but equally misleading narrative of “five Africas.” It is that even the five-region framework can obscure a continental diversity that is vastly richer, messier, and more consequential than any tidy map suggests.
Corridors, Not Coordinates
A second limitation concerns the very geography of business. The framework relies heavily on territorial regions – north, south, east, west, center – as the primary unit of analysis.
But contemporary African commerce increasingly operates through corridors, logistics systems, and metropolitan clusters that cut across administrative boundaries with indifference.
For many firms, the real operational unit is not a regional bloc but a functional connectivity system: the Northern Corridor linking Mombasa to Uganda, Rwanda, and eastern Democratic Republic of Congo; the Abidjan–Lagos coastal growth corridor; Mediterranean industrial-export systems in Morocco and Egypt integrated into European supply chains; or the gravitational pull of major metropolitan nodes such as Nairobi, Lagos, Johannesburg, Casablanca, and Abidjan.
Goods, labor, finance, and investment move through these nodes and networks – not through territories defined by the cardinal points of a compass.
This is more than a methodological quibble. Competitive advantage in Africa is no longer primarily a function of geography. It is a function of understanding – and navigating – the logistics ecosystems that actually determine how markets work.
A firm that enters “West Africa” without mapping its position within the Abidjan–Lagos corridor, or that enters “East Africa” without understanding the Northern Corridor’s freight dynamics, has not entered a market. It has entered a territory. The two are very different things.
Informality Is Not a Bug
Perhaps the most significant blind spot in conventional business-entry frameworks for Africa concerns informality. Typically, informal economic activity is treated as a constraint – something that complicates distribution logistics, increases transaction costs, and raises compliance risks.
That framing is not wrong, exactly. But it is dangerously incomplete.
Many African economies do not operate through cleanly separated formal and informal sectors. They function through a fluid commercial continuum in which the two constantly interact, overlap, and reshape each other.
A formally registered company may depend entirely on informal distributors, trust-based broker networks, and neighborhood retail ecosystems that no regulatory filing will ever capture. At the same time, informal traders routinely depend on formal supply chains, imported goods, digital payment infrastructure, and regulated wholesale markets.
The result is not two economies existing in uneasy parallel. It is a hybrid commercial system characterized by permeability, constant adaptation, and continuous switching between formal and informal modes of transacting.
In this context, informality is not simply market failure or institutional weakness. It frequently functions as a mechanism of economic coordination – allowing exchange to occur where formal channels remain prohibitively costly or unevenly accessible.
Ignoring this dynamic does not make a market-entry strategy more rigorous. It makes it less accurate. And inaccuracy, in unfamiliar markets, tends to be expensive.
History Is Not Decoration
Frameworks of this kind sometimes reach for historical context to add depth, and the results are not always reliable. The claim that “Africans themselves have never created a unified continental identity” is too categorical to be useful.
It overlooks a long and intellectually serious tradition of Pan-Africanism, anti-colonial solidarity movements, continental institution-building, and evolving forms of African cosmopolitan identity that have shaped the continent’s politics and commerce for over a century.
Similarly, the assertion that “there were no countries in Africa before colonization” confuses the absence of European-style nation-states with the absence of political organization – an error with significant implications for how firms think about institutional context. Precolonial Africa was home to sophisticated kingdoms, empires, confederations, city-states, centralized monarchies, and decentralized governance systems of remarkable complexity.
These formations may not have resembled the Westphalian state, but they exercised authority, regulated trade, organized economic life, and shaped the social norms that continue to influence business culture today. A firm that understands the institutional heritage of the markets it enters will always outperform one that does not.
What Good Strategy Actually Requires
None of this diminishes the central insight that differentiated strategies are essential. Companies do not succeed by “entering Africa.” They succeed by understanding the specific institutional, logistical, and market ecosystem in which they are operating – and then building strategies calibrated to that ecosystem’s particular logic.
But achieving that understanding requires going further than regional typologies can reach. In many cases, it requires country-specific analysis.
In high-stakes sectors – retail, financial services, telecommunications, logistics – it frequently requires sub-national analysis, because internal markets in Africa remain intensely fragmented even as continental integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area moves forward. Kenya offers an instructive example: goods can encounter effective economic “borders” long before they reach any international frontier, as regional commercial networks, ethnic trading communities, and transport infrastructure constraints create distinct micro-markets within a single national territory.
Africa is not one market. It is not five markets. It is a moving landscape of corridors, cities, institutions, hybrid economies, and uneven development patterns that rarely fit neatly into any map – continental, regional, or national.
The firms that navigate it successfully will be those that resist the comfort of clean frameworks and invest instead in the granular, inconvenient, commercially vital work of understanding it as it actually is.
Danilo Desiderio serves as the CEO of Desiderio Consultants Ltd in Nairobi, Kenya, specializing in African customs, trade, and transport policies and is a senior associate to the Horn Economic and Social Policy Institute (HESPI).